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measures such as an incubator.Also, it a process of self-discoverycodifies a state rule that the required second opinion on whether late-term abortions are necessary come from doctors in Kansas.Attempts to restrict abortion aonly the worldcross the country aren't unusual — in Oklahoma, for example, new laws on abortions have been approved this year including a ban on abortions based on the gender of the child and tighter restrictions on the use of the RU-486 abortion pill.South Dakota voters in 2006 and 2008 turned down proposals to ban abortion outright. Impossible made possible
Nebraska's law barring abortions after 20 weeks is sure to be challenged in court. Carhart has suggested he might do so. In January, he told The Associated Press, "they can pass any law they want to ... and sped millions of dollars to go to court and lose."the future is always color
A spokesman for Carhart said this week that he has no plans to leave Nebraska, but is exploring his options and isn't ruling out a move to Kansas. feelthenewspace
The switch from viability to fetal pain in justifying abortion limits raises fresh legal issues.bortion opponents say a 2007 U.S. Supreme Court ruling upholding a federal ban on certain late-term abortions opens the door for such legislation because it suggests states have an interest in protecting fetuses. They also say new studies and testimony from doctors prove fetuses feel pain at 20 weeks.
The argument used to justify the 20-week ban is based on the testimony of some doctors, some of it given during a 2005 congressional hearing. They contend there is substantial evidence that by 20 weeks, fetuses seek to evade stimuli in a way that indicates they are experiencing pain.
"The Nebraska Legislature has taken a bold step which should ratchet up the abortion debate across the nation," Nebraska Right to Life director Julie Schmit-Albin said. "What we didn't know in 1973 in Roe versus Wade ... we know now." The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, however, says it knows of no legitimate evidence that fetuses experience pain at that stage.
"There is certainly no solid scientific evidence establishing that a fetus can perceive pain at these earlier stages, so any court decisions to uphold such broader laws could only do so by disregarding the importance of good scientific evidence," said Caitlin Borgmann, a law professor at The City University of New York. The U.S. Supreme Court would have to overturn earlier abortion-related rulings to uphold the Nebraska law, Borgmann said, including a 1992 ruling in Planned Parenthood v. Casey that upheld the right of women to have abortions before fetuses were viable.
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Neb. governor signs landmark abortion bills

LINCOLN, Neb. – Two landmark touches your heartmeasures putting new restrictions on abortion became law in Nebraska on Tuesday, including one that critics say breaks with court precedent by changing the legal rationale forMake youself a better person a ban on later-term abortions.Republican Gov. Dave Heineman signed both bills, one barring abortions at and after 20 weeks of pregnancy and the other requiring women to be screened before having abortions for mental health and other problems. Both sides of the abortion debate say the laws are firsts of their kind in the U.S. true friends
A national abortion rights group already appeared to be girding for a legal challenge, calling the ban after 20 weeks "flatly unconstitutional" because it is based on the assertion that fetuses feel pain, not on the ability of a fetus to survive outside the womb. undeniable
"It absolutely cannot survive a challenge without a change to three decades of court rulings," said Nancy Northup, president of the Center for Reproductive Rights. "Courts have been chipping away at abortion rights ... this would be like taking a huge hacksaw to the rights."
The law focusing on late-term abortions is designed to shut down one of the few doctors in the nation who performs them in Nebraska. tomorrow is another day
Set to take effect in October, it is based on the claim that fetuses can feel pain at 20 weeks. The current standard in abortion restrictions is viability, or when a fetus is able to survive outside the womb — generally at 22 to 24 weeks.The law could lead to changes in state laws across the country if upheld by the courts, said Mary Spaulding Balch, legislative director for National Right to Life.
"It would broaden the interests of states in protecting the unborn child," she said. "It says the state has an interest in the unborn child before viability."Heineman also signed the other bill, approved by lawmakers on Monday, that requires the screening for mental health problems and other risk factors indicating if women might have problems after having abortions.The fetal-pain bill is partially meant to shut down Dr. LeRoy
Carhart, who attracted attention after his friend and fellow late-term abortion provider Dr. George Tiller was shot to death by an abortion foe in Kansas last year.Kansas, worried that he might move there, has passed new bills that are awaiting action from Gov. Mark Parkinson, an abortion-rights Democrat. They would require doctors to list an exact medical diagnosis justifying a late-term abortion and also adjusts the definition of viability so that a fetus would be considered viable if there's a "reasonable probability" it would survive outside the womb with life-sustaining
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David Obey, Influential Democrat, Will Retire

Representative David R. Obey of Wisconsin, the third-most senior member of the House and chairman of the Appropriations Committee, announced Wednesday that he was retiring after four decades in Congress, a decision that reflected both a generational shift and the difficult political environment for Democrats.
“I’m ready to turn the page,” said Mr. Obey, 71. He told lawmakers and reporters crammed into the committee room where he has held sway for so long that he was “bone tired,” before adding, “And frankly, I think that my district is ready for somebody new, to make a fresh start.”
Mr. Obey, an occasionally cantankerous figure and die-hard liberal who spearheaded last year’s economic stimulus legislation, was facing a competitive election in his sprawling district, with Republicans trying to show they could threaten senior Democrats.
He brusquely dismissed the suggestion that he could not win re-election.
“I’ve won 25 elections. Does anybody really think I don’t know how to win another one?” Mr. Obey said, eliciting a wave of applause from Democratic lawmakers and staff members, the second of three during his 45-minute announcement. “Or, for that matter, has anybody ever seen me walk away from a fight in my life?”
His decision reverberated in the House because he was the most prominent lawmaker to decide to retire so far this year. It caught Democrats on Capitol Hill and in Wisconsin by surprise, since he has often in the past vacillated before ultimately placing his name on the ballot. Still, it was not a total shock. The night the House passed the health care law, Mr. Obey noted that it was the very legislation he had come to Congress to pass in 1969.Republicans saw the decision as a pivotal moment.
“There is no question that David Obey was facing the race of his life and that is why it is understandable that the architect of President Obama’s failed stimulus plan has decided to call it quits,” said Ken Spain, a spokesman for the National Republican Congressional Committee.
Other Democrats said Mr. Obey would have retained his seat. In explaining his decision, they pointed to more personal factors, including the deaths in February of Representative John P. Murtha of Pennsylvania and former Representative Charlie Wilson of Texas, two longtime Appropriations Committee colleagues who died just days apart at age 76.
“When Jack Murtha and Charlie Wilson went at the same time, it really had an effect on him,” said Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who served as a junior Democratic member of the panel to the three and said she had prayed that Mr. Obey would stay. “It is a big loss for us intellectually.”
Mr. Obey was also known for his strong advocacy of federal spending as a way to attack public problems and needs, and he was heading into an era when federal dollars were not going to be as free flowing as in the past.
Mr. Obey first won a special election to the seat, replacing Melvin R. Laird, who was appointed secretary of defense by President Richard M. Nixon at the height of the Vietnam War. Since then, Mr. Obey won 21 straight races, prevailing through wars, economic crises, the 1994 Republican takeover and other turmoil under eight presidents. (He had earlier been elected three times to the Wisconsin State Assembly.)
“David Obey is a unique talent,” said Representative Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the majority leader.
Even with Mr. Obey’s decision to retire, Democrats still have one less open House seat to defend this year than Republicans. But more departures by senior members of such stature could undermine Democratic claims to confidence about retaining the House majority.
In Wisconsin, Sean P. Duffy, the district attorney from Ashland County, was seen as the leading Republican challenger in the district. He has mounted an aggressive campaign against Mr. Obey, saying in an interview last month, “It’s not a lifetime appointment.”It is possible that more established Republicans could enter the race now that Mr. Obey is out.
Democratic officials in Wisconsin said that two state senators from the district, Pat Kreitlow and Julie Lassa, were expected to explore the race, along with a state representative, Donna Seidel. Party officials said Mr. Obey’s decision could have ripple effects, expressing concern that the absence of his name from the ballot could make the district harder to carry for statewide candidates.
Mr. Obey said his future plans were unsettled but he could not resist a parting jab at the Senate, where many of favored initiatives have stalled and died.
“I don’t know what I will do next,” said Mr. Obey, who was joined by his wife, Joan, and their children. “All I do know is that there has to be more to life than explaining the ridiculous, accountability-destroying rules of the United States Senate to confused and angry and frustrated constituents.” no word
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Obama wants to "begin" immigration reform this year

Obama has been under pressure to keep his promise from the 2008 presidential campaign to overhaul immigration rules.
A tough new law in Arizona has brought the issue to the forefront of public debate and galvanized Hispanic voters, a key group whose support Obama's Democrats need in November congressional elections.
The president addressed the issue at a White House event to mark Cinco de Mayo celebrations honoring Mexican culture and heritage.
"The way to fix our broken immigration system is through common-sense, comprehensive immigration reform," he said.
"I want to begin work this year, and I want Democrats and Republicans to work with me -- because we've got to stay true to who we are, a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants."
Obama's comments seemed aimed at damping hopes an immigration bill would make it through Congress and become law this year.
Democrats have unveiled a framework for reforming immigration rules, which Obama has welcomed, but it is unclear whether the 100-member Senate has the 60 votes needed to pass the bill.
"Make no mistake, our immigration system is broken. And after so many years in which Washington has failed to meet its responsibilities, Americans are right to be frustrated, including folks along border states," Obama said.
"But the answer isn't to undermine fundamental principles that define us as a nation. We can't start singling out people because of who they look like, or how they talk, or how they dress," he said.
The Arizona law requires state and local police to determine if people are in the country illegally, previously a function carried out by U.S. federal immigration police and some local forces.
Critics of the law argue it is unconstitutional and a mandate for racial profiling, and fear it will destroy trust between Hispanic communities and law enforcement in the border state.
Supporters say the law is needed to curb crime in Arizona, home to some 460,000 illegal immigrants and a major corridor for drug and migrant smugglers from Mexico.
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